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Getting Started

The policy statements in this report make up a compendium of ideas, recommendations, and innovative examples that have worked well in different places around the country and therefore should at least be considered for implementation in other communities.  Collectively, they provide a comprehensive vision for the criminal justice and mental health systems' response to people with mental illness.  To appreciate this vision (and the range of measures that exist to begin to address the problem) and to inform an agent of change's decision of where to start, reading the entire report - regardless of the reader's area of expertise - is essential. 

Unless efforts in a jurisdiction to improve the response to people with mental illness who are in contact with criminal justice system are already well-advanced, simply becoming familiar with the report's organization and the target population will not make it clear which policy statement to implement first.  In fact, each policy statement is a possibility for an agent of change to consider; no single one is an essential first step to initiating change.

It will be tempting for some readers to focus only on the implementation of those policy statements over which they have the must influence.  Police professionals, for example, will likely gravitate toward those policy statements that address law enforcement's contact with people with mental illness.  Prosecutors may quickly fast-forward to Policy Statement 9: Prosecutorial Review of Charges.

Although focusing the application of the report in a community to a limited number of policy statements, at least at the outset, is probably advisable, readers should not overlook a central message of this document:  actions that law enforcement, courts, or corrections officials take have ramifications for the entire criminal justice system.  For example, how a police officer responds to an incident involving a person with a mental illness informs the decision that a prosecutor makes in charging the defendant, which, in turn, is an important factor a judge will take into account when setting bail.  Corrections administrators rely on information obtained during the pretrial phase and at sentencing to develop a treatment plan while the inmate is incarcerated; reports regarding the extent to which such a plan is successful inform community corrections authorities release decisions and plans for supervision of a person with mental illness released to the community. 

Considering the implementation of the policy statements that, on their face, appear to address the mental health system only is also essential.  Just as criminal justice professionals must appreciate a system-wide response to the problem, so must they appreciate what needs to happen for the mental health system to be accessible and effective.  A community mental health system that does not meet these two criteria is unlikely to successfully engage an individual with mental illness in treatment, and thus will quickly cause criminal justice officials to lose confidence in the community's capacity to support people with mental illness.

Many agents of change, especially those policymakers (such as legislators or county executives) whose authority spans many or all of recommendations in the report, will wonder which policy statement to implement first.  Accordingly, deciding where to start - especially when familiar with the existing obstacles to improving the systems - can be difficult.  In more than one community, reform efforts have been derailed before really getting under way because those involved could not decide where to begin.  Similarly, attempting to implement many or all of the policy statements in this report could overwhelm a community.

Aside from differences in the size and nature of the jurisdictions where the problem plays out, there is great variability in the history, politics, resources, and leadership of each community.  These are the factors that typically steer agents of change to distinct policy statements.  The single, most significant common denominator shared among communities that have successfully improved the criminal justice and mental health systems' response to people with mental illness is that each started with some degree of cooperation between at least two key stakeholders - one from the criminal justice system and the other from the mental health system.  Accordingly, deciding where to begin will depend on the people brought together to address the problem and the resources available to them in their community. 

In sum, sparking a dialogue and cultivating a relationship between criminal justice and mental health stakeholders is, for those communities where such collaboration does not already exist, where the agent of change should start.  Similarly, criminal justice or mental health professionals should avoid forging ahead with the implementation of a particular policy statement without first ensuring that their action plan has taken into account the implications for the entire criminal justice and mental health systems. 

For these reasons, getting started translates into facilitating communication and building cooperation among criminal justice and mental health stakeholders.  A precedent for such cooperation and communication that involves criminal justice or mental health stakeholders exists in nearly every community.  Indeed, policymakers and practitioners typically appreciate the value of collaboration, and they invariably have some experience seeding or maintaining an effort that depends on two or more organizations working together. 

Still, effecting collaboration between the criminal justice and mental health systems can be particularly vexing.  Accordingly, the remainder of this introduction reviews important issues to consider for communities where representatives of the two systems have yet to begin working together or where such efforts have stalled. 

Recognizing the Complexities of the Mental Health System

Exploratory discussions with stakeholders in the mental health system will, sooner or later, focus on their capacity to make mental health services available to those who need them most.  Before an agent of change reaches out to representatives of the mental health system, it is essential that he or she appreciate how the mental health system works. 

As mentioned earlier, the advent of new treatments and service system models is, in many ways, revolutionizing the mental health system.  No less dramatic has been the change in orientation from grim acceptance of the supposed irreversibility of the decline associated with mental illness that characterized all thinking about the condition just a few decades ago to the burgeoning belief in recovery today expressed by researchers, clinicians, advocates, families, and - most of all - consumers.  Recognition that people with mental illness can and do get better has given hope to many individuals. It is also changing the way people think and talk about mental illness and thus altered the course of policy.

With a foundation of hope and recovery, the system sees reintegration into the community as perhaps its highest priority.  Clinical decisions, funding structures, and other incentives are aligned in many places to direct people with mental illness toward community integration.  Administrators, advocates, consumers, and experts see hospitalization as a costly alternative residing at the far end of a continuum that should include a rich offering of community-based interventions.  Agreement in the field dissolves, however, when stakeholders discuss where to turn when mental health treatment systems have failed to successfully engage an individual in treatment.  Conflicting views on involuntary commitment illustrate this tension. Some see involuntary inpatient or outpatient treatment as the ultimate intrusion, a dehumanizing deprivation of rights to be avoided at all costs. Others hail involuntary treatments as necessary and lifesaving tools that must be employed when an individual's judgment is impaired. Most in the field feel torn and seek a balance that respects both realities.

The trend away from hospitalization and the embrace of recovery have led to a new view of the place of control in mental health treatment.  Just as laws and policies in effect in most states steer mental health clients toward treatment in the "least restrictive setting," so do treatment professionals speak of ensuring patients the greatest possible degree of control over their own treatment choices.  In recent years, mental health advocates and professionals have reexamined  the use of coercive measures in mental health treatment settings. Many practitioners have worked hard, for example, to reduce the use of restraints and punitive seclusion in clinical settings, recognizing that they have no therapeutic value and can only be justified when physical safety is at issue, and laws and regulations have been rewritten to reflect this new understanding.  Appreciating the mental health system's views regarding coercion may be particularly difficult for someone working in the criminal justice system, where coercion is inherent at every juncture to ensure people obey laws and follow rules.  Yet, the use  -  and perceived use  -  of coercion has become the subject of much concern and debate within the mental health community. Most of the recommendations offered in this report address issues that arise when people with mental illness are in contact with - or are under control of - the criminal justice system, and they reflect the powers at that system's disposal.  By the same token, the report takes into account the mental health system's values and largely steers away from making recommendations that would apply coercive measures to people with mental illness on whom the criminal justice system has no hold. 

In addition to understanding key values of the mental health system, an agent of change should become familiar with its complex organizational structure.  Understanding how a system is organized largely depends on learning how it is funded.  When it comes to the mental health system, this can be a true challenge.  No rational organization chart can possibly be drawn that accurately depicts the administration and delivery of mental health services in this country.  In contrast to the criminal justice system, which has a fairly straightforward structure, the mental health system draws revenue from a dizzying variety of sources:  Medicaid, Medicare, state general revenue funds, local matches, federal Mental Health Block Grants (grants administered by three or more federal agencies), and patient fees, just to name those most common. In some states, funds are funneled through managed-care frameworks.  In others, counties present an additional level of administration.  "System," indeed, may be a misnomer for what is often a patchwork of programs, services, and complex funding structures. 

Solutions to many of the problems encountered by the criminal justice system might logically be found in the mental health system.  Sadly, the mental health system in too many places has been too beset by internal challenges and lack of support to address some of the most visible signs of its failure.  For the public mental health system to assist the criminal justice system in addressing the needs of people with mental illness, policymakers and community change agents will need to ensure that it has sufficient resources and public support.

Getting Criminal Justice and Mental Health Stakeholders to the Table

In some jurisdictions, the greatest challenge to initiating successful cross-system collaboration is simply getting prospective partners to the table.  Often, successfully assembling key leaders in the jurisdiction depends on the stakeholders appreciating what the improved collaboration can produce. 

Benefits likely to appeal to key leaders in the mental health and criminal justice system include the following: 

  • Improve the lives of people with mental illness and reduce the frequency of their contact with the criminal justice system
  • Enhance public safety
  • Use criminal justice resources more efficiently
  • Improve the safety of line staff and of the environment in which they work
  • Reduce taxpayer expenditures
  • Increase public confidence in the justice system
  • Gain access to resources
  • Enlist allies capable of attracting support from policymakers previously unmoved by the need to bolster the mental health system

In addition to these gains, collaborative discussions will themselves increase understanding and reduce the assignment of blame. Tight budgets and growing problems have led to friction among criminal justice practitioners, mental health professionals, and advocates in many communities. Bringing all parties together to address the problems can be painful, but it is the only way to engage in problem solving effectively. 

There are concrete means of eliciting commitments from stakeholders to work together.  Making funding support contingent on such cooperation is one way.   For example, in California, the legislature sought to foster a collaborative response to the inappropriate involvement of individuals with mental illness with the criminal justice system by establishing crime reduction grants.  To receive these grants, counties must create a diverse strategy committee to develop a comprehensive plan of cost-effective measures to reduce crime and the criminal justice costs associated with individuals with mental illness.[1] 

Legislation also can prompt joint ventures through the establishment of task forces, which bring together all relevant stakeholders and develop a foundation for future cross-system partnerships to improve the criminal justice system's response to people with mental illness.  An increasing number of state legislatures (and in some cases governors) have taken such steps.[2] 

For example, in Colorado, following several independent studies of mental illness in the criminal justice population, the state general assembly created a task force to examine how people with mental illness in the criminal justice system are treated.  This task force consisted of more than two dozen members, including representatives from the judicial system, the corrections system, local law enforcement, mental health services, the legal community, consumers, and family members of consumers.  The general assembly also established a six-member legislative oversight committee that monitors the work of the task force and submits annual reports, including legislative proposals.[3]

Sometimes opportunities to engage potential partners and to form a core group of prospective partners emerge from a high-visibility incident.   A well-publicized tragedy involving a person with a mental illness and the criminal justice system often generates an atmosphere of crisis, in which elected officials feel pressured to promote quick solutions, which are likely to overlook complex, effective responses.  Accordingly, decision makers should use such incidents to stimulate follow-up responses that are long term and thoughtful.  To that end, in the wake of such tragedies, community and government leaders should ensure that organizations begin discussions about working together more closely.

A tragedy in Seminole County, Florida, in 1998 prompted such a response.  A deputy in the sheriff's office was shot and killed as he approached the residence of Alan Singletary, who had a history of mental illness and whose family had for years sought help for him. After a 13-hour standoff, Singletary was also killed.  This tragic incident highlighted many of the deficiencies of Seminole County's mental health delivery systems that are common to many communities:  inadequate coordination of services, lack of resources, and insufficient information available to officers in the field and at the scene of a crisis.  In response, the sheriff established a task force that meets monthly to discuss system coordination issues as well as potential legislative proposals.  The task force includes the state attorney, the public defender, probation officials, the Seminole Community Mental Health Center, representatives of the judiciary and the County Commission, and other various stakeholders.  The slain deputy's widow, Linda Gregory, and Alan Singletary's sister, Alice Petree, also serve on this task force.  

Defining the Scope of the Problem(s)

Once a core group of stakeholders has made a commitment to improve the criminal justice and mental health systems' response to individuals with mental illness, they need to identify and focus their shared objectives.  Leaders of successful partnerships state time and again that, long after launching their joint venture, reminding each other of the mission that originally focused the initiative has enabled them to overcome disagreements or missteps that subsequently threatened the collaboration.

In defining the problem, stakeholders may agree on a limited number of discrete goals, and the problem-solving approach may require a partnership between just two organizations.  For example, in Connecticut, the court and the Department of Mental Health and Addiction Services (DMHAS) focused their attention on the inability of judges to obtain a mental health assessment of a defendant or to gain access to mental health treatment for the defendant in a timely manner.  (In attempting to address the problem independently, judges were ordering an examination for competency to stand trial, which resulted in the hospitalization of the defendant for a minimum of three weeks.)  The partnership between the judiciary and the DMHAS led to the deployment of mental health clinicians to each court to conduct on-site assessments shortly after arrest and to arrange for treatment in the community as a condition of pretrial release.

In some cases, agents of change may determine that the circumstances call for a coalition comprising a diverse group of stakeholders spanning much of the criminal justice and mental health systems.  Such a coalition may be necessary when the core group of stakeholders establishes that the problem is large in scope and requires multiple responses.   In other cases, leaders in the community may have succeeded in narrowly defining the problem, but they recognize that potential responses (or the issue itself) are controversial and certain to draw the attention of the media. In this event, a broad coalition ensures diverse support for an initiative that could attract criticism. 

The success of such groups depends, in part, on the number of stakeholders involved and on the diversity of perspectives - including representatives of criminal justice and mental health entities from state and local government, private mental health professionals, victims, advocates, and consumers and their families - committed to the coalition's success. 

Conducting a Community Audit

A community audit will enable criminal justice officials to identify the mental health system representatives in their jurisdiction - including large and small service providers and those that serve isolated, ethnic, or low-income communities.  In conducting this audit, partners should also identify providers outside of the mental health community who deliver services to some of the same clients.  Drug treatment providers and low-income housing administrators are two examples.

Good sources for conducting the audit include larger mental health clearinghouses or providers, the Internet, the yellow pages, the news media, and staff within the criminal justice agency.  Criminal justice officials should also contact agencies and organizations of which they are members, officers, board members, or trustees.  The audit should apply a snowball approach, where identified contacts are asked to contribute names of additional relevant stakeholders.

In addition to leads identified during the local audit, organizations with a national perspective, including national membership associations, can provide some additional valuable referrals. 

Ensuring the Investment of the Principals

Whether part of a collaborative effort between just two organizations or a member of a broad-based coalition, each organization should be represented by the chief executive or his or her designee.  Involvement by the principals signals to their subordinates and other stakeholders that the organization is committed to the initiative.

The chief executive for a police department (chief, sheriff, or public safety director), the courts (presiding judge), the prosecutor's office (district attorney), the local jail, or another criminal justice entity is likely to be fairly obvious.  The lead individual in mental health circles, however, may be less apparent.  Agents of change should turn to existing cross sections of mental health organizations, such as county-level mental health planning committees, for assistance in identifying an appropriate leader in the mental health community.

 



[1] California Board of Corrections.  Mentally Ill Offender Crime Reduction Grant Program: Annual Report June 2000.  Available at: www.bdcorr.ca.gov/cppd/miocrg/miocrg_publications/miocrg_publications.htm

[2]  See Appendix 4for a list of task forces spurred by legislation or executive order.

[3]   The task force was subsequently instructed to examine ways to improve the treatment of persons with mental illness who are detained in pretrial detention facilities.  The task force was also instructed to examine the treatment of mentally ill individuals in the juvenile justice system. See www.state.co.us/gov_dir/leg_dir/lcsstaff/2001/comsched/01MICJSsched.htm#committee